Parent Education and (Non-)Schooling
Time & LocationSession 4
Wed 15:30–17:00 Room 1.404
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- Education Logics in Vietnam: For Better or for Worse? Nolwen Henaff French Research Institute for Development
‘Vietnamese parents can sacrifice everything, sell their houses and land just to give their children an education,’ Vietnam’s education minister Phung Xuan Nha said at a conference in December 2017. The whole country has therefore strived to develop education over the past decades, with impressive results as shown by Education for all achievements and PISA international tests results. The goal is commendable, but the means questionable. The desire for school education has created tremendous pressure on the country and its people and the cost of the promised bright, but uncertain, future is high both the education system and the children.
We propose here to show how educational practices in Vietnam are in contradiction with the logics that underlie them. This article is based on secondary sources and the results of two surveys: a series of interviews with Vietnamese students in Singapore in November 2016 and March 2017, and a questionnaire survey of students from three elite high schools. Ho Chi Minh City in November 2018.The first part will explain how the search for the best educational, on the part of parents, teachers and the State, led to the development of the ‘performance disease. The second part will analyse the consequences in relation to the educational logics of the parents and the state.
- Educational Strategies of Students, Parents and High School Students, Yogyakarta Special Region, Indonesia Jean-Marc de Grave Université d’Aix-Marseille
The relationship established between parents and their children as part of high school education and - in its aftermath - post-high school is characterized by its diversity. The negotiations between the two parties are often de rigueur, but the rules of schooling force anyway the family concerned to adopt a compact endogenous strategy. These rules include especially recruitment on dossier and possibilities access to university. In a related way, educational, security, socio-cultural and / or religious settings also play an important role. The typic-strategy is to compose with all of these factors and to continually readapted them according to the student's results. Through specific cases from ethnography, I propose here to put into perspective the role of students and parents face of institutional and ministerial policies, in order to grasp the formal and informal logics that come into play from the point of view of high school students and their respective families.
- Logics and Strategies Educationals of Parents Seized in the News Economics Situations, Javanese Village of Bejiharjo, Indonesia Juliette Sendra Université d’Aix-Marseille
Within the village context of Bejiharjo, the educational aims advanced by the national orientations are not always on coherence with the local and community educational logics. The school remains largely perceived by families as an institution outside the village (knowledge and finalities).
Today, Bejiharjo is subject to strong economic and tourist contingencies. It is observed that the underlying aims of educational policies will into go in synergy with the way in which the local economy has developed, thereby influencing parents' educational practices. With the increase of the financial capital of these families, we notice a greater investment in the schooling of their children (continued high school education, tutoring, private schools, etc.). Increasingly the relationship of families to the school institution become individualized and the school is constituted as an exclusive mode of training that tends to be unmissable.
After having brought to light the different conceptions of school education of families and the meaning they give to the schooling of their children, the contribution is intended to capture the impact of socio-economic changes in the educational strategies of families.
- Why Schooling Children in a Patronage System? (Cambodia) Steven Prigent Institut de Recherches Asiatiques
While international organizations have been promoting democratic and empowerment educational values for more than ten years in Cambodia, the ministry of education has been maintaining an informal economy of patronage. In this context, teachers are allowed to give extra lessons to their pupils as an addition to their salary. These lessons are private and, therefore, paid by parents. Since it functions based on a ‘patronage contract’, one might suppose that the public school system in Cambodia remains an inegalitarian and non-meritocratic institution, excluding the poorest pupils and not recognising the most deserving. After giving empirical depth to this patronage system, this communication will question the meaning Cambodian rice growers give to school education in such a context.
The panel proposes to report the relationships of families to the school institution. In that way, the participants are conveyed to pay attention to educational practices and (non) school enrolment family strategies of children and teenagers within a broad educational context (school and non-school). Motivations to educate – or not – children are multiple (religious, ethical, economical, etc.). They participate in parental educational choices often correlated to strategies of distinction or reproduction (as defined by Pierre Bourdieu).
Parents can be actively involved in the schooling of their children at different degrees (choice of school, moral support, homework help, funding for additional classes, school counselling, etc.), can prefer to stay away from school knowledge and rely on teachers, can leave more or less flexibility to children or young people, or can even refuse schooling. The discussion will highlight the differences and similarities in the relationships between families and school, based on case studies from different countries (Cambodia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos) and concerning different disciplinary approaches. Participants should also consider the links existing between the modes of learning developed at school and out of school, both at the level of practice and at the level of underlying aims.
Finally, school as a particular form of education bring into play exogenous norms and references within a given social context. The school project is indeed based on the education conceptions linked to national and international policies. The interventions can thus propose to consider the possible implications of these policies at the level of school and non-school parental logics.